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February 24, 2006

What a tangled web we weave

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Artist's rendition of me with my iPod
My relentlessly groovy travel companions (you know who you are) finally got to me, and I've broken down on this trip to the United States and bought an iPod. And not just one. Anticipating Husband's unrepentent thievery (and remembering that our CD player was long ago loaned out to a friend for a party and never came back), I forked over even more cash to Apple: I got a 60GB iPod to use around the house as a default stereo system and a Shuffle for trips, as well as A/V cables and a compact little dock to display the new acquisition appropriately. Hooray. I've spent the past few hours fiddling around with iTunes, ripping CDs from my parents' classical collection (I'm now listening to Gloria of Beethoven's Mass in C), familiarizing myself with the iPod logic, etc. Obviously, it's just super. Er, right?

Actually, I'm thinking back to the trip I took to Uganda in January. As readers may remember, I traveled with my friend Stephanie, a woman who firmly occupies a place among the digirati, and one of the prime iPod influencers in my life. While we waited for our flight to leave from Schipol airport in Amsterdam, she bought a new camera -- a film camera. When I expressed my surprise over her retro choice, she said she was sick of using digital cameras...the extra cords, the batteries running out, missing shots, etc. And, she said, she was already overwhlemed with digital detritus -- cell phone and charger, laptop and charger, iPod and cords and earbuds, etc, etc.

Now, looking at the tangle of USB cords, lanyards, earbuds, and other small parts while I will now need to keep track of, I can't help but think that Stephanie was on to something. I remember my first WalkMan, for instance, which didn't need to be charged, and had no accompanying bits and pieces. Of course, one could point out, it's a lot easier to haul around a few cords and an iPod than 100 tapes and a clunky box the size of a wireless router: true, true. But given the iPod flotsam spread across my floor, I don't think that this problem has been solved just yet.

February 21, 2006

San Francisco wrap-up: archives, Iran, mobile phones

While my adopted home town of Budapest lies buried in snow, I'm spending the next week at the original homestead in Seal Beach, California -- deep in the heart of what I am told is now referred to nationwide as "the O.C." ("Orange County", for those not in the know: it's a TV show).

This week is following on the heels of a week spent in San Francisco with the Information Program sub-board and staff, during which we criss-crossed the Bay Area several times to attend a series of meetings with companies, foundations, and organizations. Ethan Zuckerman has written long accounts of two of them, one a meeting with Brewster Kahle and Rick Prelinger of the Internet Archive, and the other a dinner we were lucky enough to have with dissident Iranian journalist and blogger Omid Memarian.

I also had a chance to sit down with Ben Rigby of MobileVoter, a San Francisco-based organization whos tagline says it all: "Voter Registration and Mobilisation via Text Messaging!" MobileVoter is doing some very innovative projects with mobile phones in the United States; one of the things they've looked at which I think is most intereseting is the use of the mobile phone in a social context, i.e., where users are in physical proximity to each other -- for instance, at rock concerts. They see the mobile phone as a way to capture the excitement and buzz of a live event -- at the moment its occurring, rather than counting on users to remember later on to log onto a website.

Ben is one of the leaders of the MobileActive movement, a group jumpstarted by an international meeting of activists and developers interested in the use of mobile phones held last September in Toronto. The meeting was organized by Green Media Toolshed and Aspiration Tech. Currently, the group maintains an active blog, trades project ideas, and forms partnerships around those projects.

I'll be writing more about mobile phones in the coming months, as this is a crucially important area for the developing and transitional countries that OSI works in. In the US, mobile phones are ubiquitous and highly personalized -- hence offering a different and more direct path to users than internet for advocates trying to get their messages across -- mobile phones in the developing world are useful for a different reason: often, they offer the only communications path in or out of a community. Further, with the help of tools like DialoguePalette, a soon-to-be released do-it-yourself Asterisk tool, voice navigation of information sources will be relatively simple; in regions where literacy is low, the ability to connect people with information via voice has become increasingly important, and increasingly viable.

February 12, 2006

Monitoring Public Health

I spent the past week in Istanbul with public health advocates from around the globe. They're a sharp and dedicated group of people who speak their own language: those of us from outside their world quickly learned to translate the alphabet soup of government agencies they regularly deal with, as well as the acronyms for the life-extending treatments and facilities that are at the center of their work: ARV's, the main treatment for PLWA's that are often acquired through CBO'swith support from by UNAIDS (translation: Anti-RetroVirals, People Living With AIDs, Community-Based Organizations, and UNAIDS: the Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS). The group was not only focused on HIV/AIDS; representatives from public health groups focusing on Roma health, harm reduction, paliative care, marginalized populations, multi-drug resistant tuberculosis were all in evidence.

The topic for discussion during the three-day event was monitoring, something that donors and governments have increasingly thrown their weight behind. What became apparent to me, a newcomer to this field, is that monitoring is not a single activity, nor is there an agreed-upon definition of what monitoring groups actually do. The range of activities that are included under the heading "monitoring" include both quantitative and qualitative work. Human Rights Watch, for instance, for the most part produces work which is akin to top-quality investigative journalism; their reports are based on extensive interviews and are carefully fact-checked against a legal framework springing from the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, as well as the follow-up Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Human Rights Watch runs an HIV/AIDS and human rights program, which documents human rights abuses related to the epidemic, and is very much in keeping with their interview-based methodology.

Other public health groups present were working on more quantitative monitoring projects, involving government finances, distribution of drugs, and use of treatment programs. The multitude of approaches and topics was dizzying, for someone coming from outside the public health world; more dizzying still was obvious importance of these efforts. The range was also broad: some groups were setting their own monitoring goals and creating their own methodologies to meet them, like Global Health Watch, while others, like IDASA in South Africa are monitoring by using internationally recognized methodologies, like UNAIDS' NASA (National AIDS Spending Assessment) framework.

Most interesting, though, were the questions that monitoring groups across the board wrestled with: when government is a partner in a monitoring project, do you trust their data? And how does a project managed by civil society maintain independence when the only way to crucial data sets is through a friendly government official? How to ensure quality data from partners working in disparate countries with, often, little in the way of communications technologies? Should monitoring projects only be undertaken by research universities, or can community-based monitoring be reliable? And a question that seemed to underride all the discussions I had: why monitor?

Without monitoring by external organizations, there's simply no way to hold governments to their promises made at either the international level (i.e., being a signatory to the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) or at the national level (i.e., that a certain percentage of a national budget will be spent on the acquisition and distribution of anti-retroviral drugs). Further, monitoring needs to take place in order to prove the efficacy of experimental health programs; the harm reduction movement, which advocates for, among other things, the provision of clean needles and methadone treatment for drug addict, inevitably runs up against resistance from governments who might act as implementors. Without the proof of a harm reduction program's successes in holding down the rate of HIV transmission in a population, there is little argument to be made against skeptics.

However, the above arguments assume that monitoring is a *tactic* in a larger advocacy campaign; i.e., that the monitoring is simply a way to advance a broader goal. This is not always the case, it seems; some organizations monitor as a end in and of itself. In these cases, the monitoring projects tend to be more community-based, and are being undertaken as a way to both empower civil society, and to remind government that, in fact, they are accountable to their populations. This isn't to say that these kinds of projects don't also engage in advocacy, but rather that they see the monitoring itself as a crucial type of engagement.

As for me, I was interested in how these different projects were using online tools and forum to advocate, post-monitoring, both within their home countries, and on the international level. Several people told me that they considered monitoring "the easy part" (a serious assertion, given the complexity of the projects represented); the real challenge was taking the information and making a compelling argument gauged to the right people. As one participant said, "There's a huge difference between dissemination and campaigning." Indeed. Given the growing number of online projects aimed at supporting advocacy campaigns, the time seems ripe to bring the two populations together.

February 07, 2006

Landing at Ataturk Airport, Istanbul

hajjairport.jpgI've just arrived in Istanbul for a meeting organized by OSI's Public Health Program on different approaches to monitoring in public health advocacy work. My flight, like everyone else's, was late because of a heavy snowfall; the lady who collected us at the airport told us that it snows perhaps three times a year in Istanbul. Stranger even than touching down in piles of snow at the warm edge of Europe was the scene that greeted us at the airport. I thought at first that a pop star or populist politician must be on my flight -- the view from the immigration desks out past baggage claim to the waiting area revealed what looked like hundreds of people waiting eagerly for someone to appear.

Around the baggage claim area, professional photographers snapped pictures of a few young men, but no one else waiting for their bags appeared to be excited. As I walked out with a group of other travelers, scattered groups applauded, and again, professional photographers and television cameras honed in on a few walking with me. The agent that picked us up at the airport explained that these were families waiting for their relatives to return from Mecca, following the Hajj. And indeed, I realized that we were surrounded by a sea of family groups, and that the hajji, dressed mostly in white and wearing sandals, had been in line with me at the immigration desks. Quite a turnout, considering that this must be tail end of Pilgrims (the Hajj ended at the end of January, according to the calendar I consulted) who stayed on a few extra days.

According to Wikipedia's article on the Hajj, the Saudi Arabian government, which oversees the holy sites, has had to limit the number of pilgrims who come each year; each Muslim country is allowed 1000 people for every million. Turkey, with a population of 69 million, is then allowed to send 69,000 Hajji per year -- which must keep the airport absolutely packed for most of the month, if the pilgrims' families come to see them off, and wait for their return. It's great to arrive at an airport full of excited people, waiting eagerly for someone's return -- as a constant traveler myself, I always look forward to the stops where someone is meeting me right off the plane. I imagine that the post-Hajj family reunion carries significant import -- but I'm glad to have gotten the peripheral frivolity on my own arrival to Istanbul.

February 04, 2006

Thomas Hardy: Pastoral Romance, Rural Frolics, Social Injustice

It's difficult to read Thomas Hardy, that great chronicler of social injustice, without considering the modern path of social justice movements. Social justice is a concept that many rally around -- activists, funders, polictical parties. Nevertheless, the idea of social justice is a bit slippery -- in its broadest sense, it is about shaping societies to a basic moral structure, but how that gets interpreted obviously varies widely from culture to culture. The Center for Social Justice, a Canadian Jesuit organization that Googled first for "social justice", argues for "narrowing the gap in income, wealth, and power". For others, it may not be so explicitly about financial power, but more about social power -- Fahamu, an organization that operates mainly in Africa, uses the tagline "networks for social justice", and on their website explain their "...vision of the world where people organise to emancipate themselves from all forms of oppression, recognise their social responsibilities, respect each other’s differences, and realise their full potential." In other words, it's very much about personal responsibility and initaitive.

Back to Hardy and a world where personal responsibility and initiative are generally punished -- not by the rule of law, but, indeed, socially. I've just finished Hardy's "The Woodlanders", which was apparently the author's favorite of his own works; it's easy to see why. Unlike the clearly doomed title characters in "Jude the Obscure" or "Tess of the D'Urbervilles", "The Woodlanders"' Giles and Grace keep a Hardy-weary reader's hope allive. Maybe, just maybe, they'll overcome all the injustices heaped on them by 19th century England and see their way clear to a happy pastoral life of barking trees in the spring and pressing cider in the fall. However, since this is Hardy, it's foolish to suppose that anyone will be well-rewarded for trying to wiggle their way clear of the social codes of the day.

Hardy spent a lot of his time thinking about social mobility, and wrote with a view on the increasing porousness of English society. "The Woodlanders" focuses on the after-effects of social elevation. Rather than being about the follies of trying, like the ever-obscure and always-failing Jude, to better oneself into a higher social status, "The Woodlanders" is about the follies of *actually* bettering oneself into a higher social status, and the ensuing social disintegration that one can assume will happen when classes willfully mix.

As always, love (or lust) is the driving force behind class-mixing. Marty, a lowly country girl, loves above her station, and covets Giles, a self-employed cider-presser. Giles doesn't give Marty the time of day, but instead dedicates himself to Grace, the local timber-merchant's daughter, who is one social step ahead of him by virtue of her expensive education; Grace, in turn, who should be of Giles' stature but has been (foolishly?) sent away from village life for a high-class education and now returns to find Little Hintock (and Giles) too mean for her new tastes, is fascinated by a newly arrived young doctor of very good family; the young doctor, Fitzpiers, is the great democrat of the book, since he's willing to sleep with everyone in town, but eventually marries beneath himself by choosing Grace - - who is, despite her newly refined tastes, still the daughter of Hintock's timber merchant. Finally, Fitzpiers realizes he has unnecessarily lowered himself, and starts keening after Mrs. Chambers, the local aristocrat who actually owns the whole village. Mrs. Chambers clearly finds a professional man like Fitzpiers beneath her, but begins an affair with him anyway, thus ruining his marriage. However, since Grace, his wife, is essentially two tiers below Mrs. Chambers in social hierarchy, that doesn't really bother her until Grace shows up and demands that Mrs. Chambers keep her hands off her (Grace's) husband. Mrs. Chambers wavers when face to face with the angry young wife, but then takes Fitzpiers off with her to tour Europe anyway. It is, by her reckoning, her social right, after all.

As you'd expect from Hardy, it all ends in tears, early death, and unfortunate choices. The crucial point, however, is that all the book's events are set in motion by the unusual decision by Grace's father to attempt to better his daughter through education; he simply does not factor in how an educated woman will be reintegrated into village society at the other end of boarding school. She is welcome nowhere. Grace confesses at one point in the book that her schoolmates always looked down on her, knowing that she came from village life. However, her old friends (and her betrothed, the guileless Giles) assume her to be too finely wrought, post-schooling, to enjoy their company. Hence the social dystopia of Hardy's vision: one may achieve some kind of personal betterment, but only at a cost to society as a whole. Grace is only reintegrated back into the village when she returns to "nature" (both her own "real" nature, and nature in opposition to cosmopolitanism), and becomes as she was before.

Hardy's is a beautiful trick; as a romantic poet who clearly loved the rhythms of 19th century rural England, he writes a tactile and engaging story. But as a social crusader, he avoids Dickensian didactics, and still manages to impart a modern sense of social injustice in his narrative. I can't help but wonder which element prevailed for his contemporary readers.

February 03, 2006

Blogging the African Union

Our friends at Fahamu have recently launched the AU Monitor, a blog which aims to cover the activities of the African Union for an African civil society audience. Fahamu's concern is that much of the African Union coverage is slanted towards the concerns of western donors and international NGOs, and the AU Monitor will seek to provide a different take on their activities, and on the interactions between African civil society and the AU.

Fahamu also publishes Pambazuka News, a well-written email newsletter on African social justice issues-- just this month, it became available in French as well.